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USADI Dispatch
A weekly Publication of the US Alliance for
Democratic Iran
Volume III, Issue 1
January 16, 2006
Weekly
Commentary
Tehran’s
Nuclear Rising
In August of 2002, the then spokesperson for the National
Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in Washington DC, Alireza
Jafarzadeh, ripped the lid off of Iran’s 18 year old clandestine
nuclear weapons program. That revelation included the locations
of two nuclear facilities in Arak and Natanz. Prior to that
revelation, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) had no
knowledge either facility existed. Because the Iranian regime
did not voluntarily provide the locations or purpose of these
facilities, IAEA inspectors had no mandate to inspect or verify
the sites at Arak and Natanz were intended for peaceful nuclear
energy production or the production of nuclear war heads.
The IAEA eventually did reach an agreement with Iranian
officials that declared Iranian nuclear scientists would honor a
moratorium on all nuclear related development. IAEA officials
smiled and shook hands with Iranian officials as if a negotiated
solution had been found. Official seals were put on nuclear
processing equipment with an agreement that they not be removed.
Nearly three years later, August 2005, Iran announced its
intention to break the deal. It appeared as though Tehran had no
intention of compliance with the IAEA. The diplomatic deal had
been broken by the Iranian government but not without warnings
that this deal was doomed to fail.
The IAEA response urged Iran to re-establish full suspension of
all enrichment related activities including the production of
feed material, including through tests or production at the
Uranium Conversion Facility, on the same voluntary, non-legally
binding basis as requested in previous Board resolutions, and to
permit the Director General to re-instate the seals that have
been removed. Despite all of the IAEA’s urging, Tehran ignored
the IAEA.
This brazen disregard for international norms triggered and
alarm that sent a shockwave through international energy markets
pushing the cost per barrel of crude oil, Iran’s chief export,
to 67 dollars a barrel.
Despite the fears Iran’s non-compliance generated among those
determined to prevent nuclear proliferation and those concerned
about the stability crude oil trade, many were still hopeful
that a bargain could be made. Firstly, the seals broken in
August were on uranium conversion equipment, not uranium
enrichment equipment. Secondly, Russian officials were offering
all parties concerned a plausible alternative which was to move
uranium enrichment activities to Russia.
Uranium enrichment is the gateway to developing HEU or highly
enriched uranium, the substance used to tip nuclear ballistic
missiles. Iran’s ability to enrich uranium is tantamount to Iran
having a nuclear bomb. The Russian deal would move enrichment
facilities to Russia where only LEU or low enriched uranium
would be produced for Iran’s nuclear reactors.
This month, Iranian officials continued their campaign of
nuclear noncompliance by breaking IAEA seals that covered P-1
centrifuge components, maraging steel, high strength aluminum
and centrifuge quality control and manufacturing equipment, as
well as two cylinders containing UF6 located at Natanz. The
seals also covered some process equipment at the Pilot Fuel
Enrichment Plant (PFEP) at Natanz.
This latest Iranian move scuttles Russia’s plausible
alternative. Again, Tehran’s brazen disregard for international
norms has triggered another alarm, sending another shockwave
through international energy markets. Today, the price per
barrel of crude is approximately 65 dollars and is on the rise.
In August of 2005, the same month Tehran decided to cut IAEA
seals on uranium conversion equipment, the U.S. department of
Energy (DOE) indirectly offered an alternative plan to Tehran
that demonstrated Iran’s nuclear plan is defunct. With the DOE’s
plan, Iran could save hundreds of millions of dollars by
pursuing an alternative approach to uranium enrichment and
reduce international concerns about its nuclear ambitions.
But why would Iran work toward resolving international tensions
and save millions of dollars doing it when they can push the
price of crude through the roof and make billions? The answer,
international crisis feeds the government of Iran and it is a
system better described as an organized criminal enterprise.
It must therefore be economically, and diplomatically isolated
and ultimately dismantled. And that’s exactly what the
two-decade long resistance of the Iranian people is determined
to accomplish. For the sake of democracy and peace in Iran and
for the sake of regional stability and security, the Iranian
democratic opposition must be helped in any way or shape
possible to achieve this goal. (USADI)
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The US Alliance for Democratic Iran (USADI), is a
US-based, non-profit, independent organization, which promotes
informed policy debate, exchange of ideas, analysis, research
and education to advance a US policy on Iran which will
benefit America’s interests, both at home and in the Middle
East, through supporting Iranian people’s aspirations for
a democratic, secular, and peaceful government, free of tyranny,
fundamentalism, weapons of mass destruction, and terrorism.
USADI supports the Iranian peoples' aspirations
for democracy, peace, human rights, women’s equality,
freedom of expression, separation of church and state,
self-determination, control of land and resources,
cultural integrity, and the right to development and prosperity.
The USADI is not affiliated with any government
agencies, political groups or parties. The USADI administration
is solely responsible for its activities and decisions.
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