USADI Dispatch

A publication of the U.S. Alliance for Democratic Iran


Volume IV, No. 11                                                                                                                                            August 31, 2007


Commentary by U.S. Alliance for Democratic Iran

 

 

Rolling Back Tehran in Iraq


Alas, President Bush's speech writers are not in charge of formulating and executing his administration's policy toward Iran and Iraq.

 

In his Tuesday address to the American Legion, President George W. Bush stressed that “America is engaged in a great ideological struggle -- fighting Islamic extremists across the globe” inspired by two main strains; Sunni extremism, embodied by al Qaida; and Shiite extremism, embodied by the ruling regime in Tehran whose “actions threaten the security of nations everywhere.”

His equally notable statement came when he outlined the strategic cost of failure in Iraq.

“The future course of the Middle East will turn heavily on the outcome of the fight in Iraq. And the two dangerous strains of extremism vying for control of the Middle East have now closed in on this country.”

President Bush correctly described Iran’s rulers as “leaders who promote terror and pursue the technology that could be used to develop nuclear weapons” which would put the whole region “under the shadow of a nuclear holocaust.”

Two days later, however, comes the column by David Ignatius of the Washington Post displaying a mind-boggling case of inconsistency between words and actions of the administration.  Mr. Ignatius reports that instead of putting effective, prompt and practical plans in place to thwart Tehran’s multi-pronged destabilizing campaign in Iraq, the political field was effectively left open to Tehran and its proxies during the decisive January 30, 2005, elections in Iraq.

Once again, the State Department debunked measures to deal a strategic blow to Tehran in what the President has in effect described an existential war between forces of Islamic extremism and forces of freedom and moderation. No wonder, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad now blatantly declares his regime’s readiness to fill in the political vacuum in Iraq.

Indeed, rather than heeding to warnings that Tehran was covertly pouring about $11 million a week to boost its puppet candidates and dispatching nearly 5,000 Iranians to Iraq equipped with fake Iraqi ration cards to register to vote in the south, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice pulled the plug on a plan to fund “moderate Iraqi candidates, outreach to Sunni tribal leaders and other efforts to counter Iranian influence.” She enjoyed then-House Minority Leader, Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s partnership.

According to Mr. Ignatius, “Rice had agreed with Pelosi that the United States couldn't on the one hand celebrate Iraqi democracy and on the other try to manipulate it secretly.” Two and half years later, one can clearly see the folly of such logic.

Celebrating Iraqi democracy by giving Tehran a free hand to manipulate and hijack it, has brought the people of Iraq the Nuri Al-Maliki’s government, which for all practical purposes is Tehran’s de-facto client in Baghdad. The United Iraqi Alliance (UIA), the dominant block in Al-Maliki’s government, is in fact a who’s-who of Iran’s Shiite proxy groups. Iraq’s internal security organs such as the Interior Ministry are effectively off-shoots of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp and the Intelligence Ministry.
 

Mr. Ignatius quotes a former U.S. official who was in Iraq during the 2005 elections, describing the impact of “pulling the rug out from under moderate, secular Iraqis who might have contained extremist forces.” The former official told Mr. Ignatius that "The Iraqis were bewildered. They didn't understand what the U.S. was doing. It looked like we were giving the country to Iran. We told Washington this was a calamitous event, from which it would be hard to recover."

Today, as anti-Iraq sectarian blood-letting, mainly inspired and instigated by Tehran’s proxies, is raging in Iraq, it might be hard to recover from such a huge debacle. But it is not too late.

While one can not underestimate the capacity of Iran rulers and their Iraqi proxies to plunge Iraq further in death and destruction, politically they are weakening. This has been on display with a series of recent bloody clashes between rival Shiite factions which make up the bulk of UIA. Meanwhile Iraqi efforts are undergoing to form a majority, anti-sectarian, independent moderate block to constitutionally replace Al-Maliki’s government. Washington must throw its political and diplomatic weight behind this effort and let go of the fruit of an election which was neither democratic nor fair.

Such initiative can hugely benefit from the partnership with the anti-fundamentalist Iranian Mojahedin. This moderate Islamic dissident group, while confined to its base in Camp Ashraf in Iraq under round the clock protection of U.S. Army, has dedicated its resources and facilities for national reconciliation among Iraqis of all political, religious and ethnic stripes. They are unquestionably on the right side of the fight by the forces of freedom and moderation against forces of terror and extremism in Iraq.

President Bush told the American Legion this week that “The most important and immediate way to counter the ambitions of al Qaeda and Iran and other forces of instability and terror is to win the fight in Iraq.” Alas, President’s speech writers are not in charge of his administration's policy toward Iran and Iraq. (USADI)

 

USADI Commentary reflects the viewpoints of the US Alliance for Democratic Iran in respect to issues and events which directly or indirectly impact the US policy toward Iran

The US Alliance for Democratic Iran (USADI), is an independent, non-profit organization, which aims to advance a US policy on Iran that will benefit America through supporting Iranian people’s aspirations for a democratic, secular, and peaceful government. The USADI is not affiliated with any government agencies, political groups or parties.
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